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Makati City: IOM. Labor mobility costs are expressed as a share of annual average wages. ASEAN countries that are more open to globalization and have developed more advanced migration systems tend to have lower costs of international labor mobility. Policies to facilitate labor mobility for skilled services workers are assumed to reduce labor mobility costs for these workers by 20 percent. Malaysia is expected to age only slightly more quickly than its main sending countries by Box 2. Alternately, you may write-in with a comprehensive resume stating qualification, working experience, current and expected salary, a passport-sized photograph and copies of relevant certificates to: Head of Human Resources Plantations Kuala Lumpur Kepong Berhad Wisma Taiko, No.
 
 

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Introduction Migration in Southeast Asia is evolving. As in the rest of the world, workers from the region migrate to traditional receiving countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OECD. Migration in Southeast Asia is diverse, with migrants in the region seeking out economic opportunity in a variety of ways. This chapter reviews the migration patterns and trends of the ten Southeast Asian countries1 that make up ASEAN, a group that promotes regional cooperation.

Data on migration patterns and trends are drawn from several sources, which are described in box 1. Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam are migrantsending countries, but migrants from these countries tend to migrate outside of the region.

Data availability varies by region: 81 percent of countries in Africa have at least one data source on international migrant stock since the census round, 90 percent in Asia, 96 percent in Europe, 98 percent in Latin America and the Caribbean, percent in Oceania, and percent in North America. Estimation techniques vary depending on the number of data sources.

When countries lack any source of data, a model country is used. The foreign-born concept is used in half of the countries, and the foreign citizenship concept in the other half table B1. The analysis in this chapter relies primarily on UN data because they represent the most up-to-date portrait of migration in ASEAN and offer information about the age and gender of migrants. The World Bank has also produced bilateral estimates, though without gender or age information, with the most recent published in For intra-ASEAN migration, differences can be large in absolute terms but are generally quite small box continues next page.

There are large differences between the two datasets for Malaysia. Data from the Commission on Filipinos Overseas, a Philippine agency, suggest that the World Bank data may be more accurate, estimating the number of Filipinos in Malaysia to be , in Undocumented status likely makes individuals less likely to respond to population censuses and household surveys for fear of detection. The UN data, the World Bank data, and most other available data sources do not draw a distinction between documented and undocumented or informal migration.

Access was provided to the update where available. This dataset is used to describe the characteristics of intra-ASEAN migrants in and in where available. ILO and ADB includes an annex describing the wide discrepancies between the main sources of data on bilateral migration.

Immigrants 4. ASEAN includes both regional hubs for immigrants and regional and global senders of emigrants, as shown in figure 1. Source: UN a. The size of each circle represents the ratio of migrants sent to that of migrants received, with the smallest purple circles indicating that more migrants are sent than received, and the larger blue circles indicating that more migrants are received than sent.

The green circle shows the hypothetical case in which the number of immigrants equals the number of emigrants. Most of this migration is low-skilled and informal. Institutions in all three countries have supported out-migration. Thailand has the largest number of total migrants, with more than 3.

These large migrant stocks distinguish these three countries from the other ASEAN countries, which have far fewer migrants. Thailand, for example, has 12 times the migrant stock of Indonesia and times that of Lao PDR figure 1. The Philippines and Indonesia lead the way, with 5. As a percentage of the population, however, the pattern changes somewhat figure 1.

With large populations overall, Indonesia and the Philippines are farther down the ASEAN ranking for emigration relative to the total population.

Malaysia and Singapore were next in line, with about 1. Notably, the share of migrants that Malaysia receives from other ASEAN countries has declined since , as origin countries like Bangladesh and Nepal have become more important. In Malaysia, 70 percent of the migrant stock originates from Indonesia and 16 percent from Myanmar.

Indonesia and Malaysia were next in line, at 1. Thailand is unique, however. These corridors were largely the same. More than 10 percent of the local populations of Singapore and Thailand are at least 65 years old. Malaysia is slightly younger; 6 percent of its local population is 65 or older.

All sending countries other than Vietnam have local populations in which 5 percent or less of the population is at least Figure 1. All destination countries have migrant populations whose age distribution peaks between ages 25 and 39, the prime working years.

This provides some evidence that migration is, in part, driven by a demand for workers in aging countries. Box 1. Although a trend toward a larger share of female migrants in EAP is well documented Ahsan et al.

The proportion of the stock that is female has increased 2 percentage points in both countries since In Malaysia, in contrast, the share of the stock that is female has. The UN makes several important assumptions to estimate population growth, and publishes several variations of its projections. One of these variations estimates population growth without international migration, allowing for a comparison with the variation that does assume international migration. The effect is slightly smaller in Malaysia, where the median age declines about half a year.

The other pronounced effect, however, is in the third destination country, Thailand, where the median age increases because of international migration and the workingage population declines. Source: UN c.

Note: This table shows the percentage point difference in age distribution and the difference in years between UN population projections in with and without international migration. UN projections without international migration do not permit comparison of the impact of intra-ASEAN migration alone on the age distribution and median age. Moreover, the projections include both immigration and emigration. See United Nations for a more detailed description of the methodology. Notably, the share of ASEAN emigrants who are female has increased in every country except the Philippines; it is at or above parity in seven countries.

The share of the intra-ASEAN migrant stock that is female rose from 46 percent in to 49 percent in In EAP, in contrast, the female share has increased steadily since The educational level. Note: The share of working-age locals with at least secondary education is shown on the x axis and that of migrants with at least secondary education is on the y axis.

The degree line represents equal proportions of highly educated locals and migrants. The year is for Brunei Darussalam, for Cambodia, for Indonesia and Malaysia, and for the Philippines. In conjunction, most migration to Malaysia is low-skilled with 45 percent of migrants in having attained just basic education. Immigrants in Indonesia and the Philippines, both global senders of migrants, tend to be more highly skilled than their local counterparts. Estimates of migration in , the most recent year for which comprehensive intraASEAN data are available, suggest that 93 percent of intra-ASEAN migrants have less than a tertiary education and 83 percent have less than a secondary education.

In Thailand, 99 percent of immigrants have attained less than secondary education, while in Malaysia 95 percent have figure 1. Migrants are more educated. By destination. In Malaysia, migrants are about evenly split between mid- and low-skilled jobs, though 47 percent are in low-skilled ones compared to 7 percent of the local population.

The breakdown is similar in Brunei Darussalam, though there are slightly more highskilled migrants. In Cambodia, the only sending country for which data are available,. By origin. Data are only available for these countries. Labor force characteristics Employment and unemployment In the main receiving countries in ASEAN, the employment rates6 of migrants are high.

In Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, and Singapore, employment rates are at least 25 percentage points higher for migrants than for locals table 1. Although data are limited for , unemployment rates remained quite low and comparable to the unemployment rates of the local population. In Cambodia and Malaysia, the two ASEAN countries for which comparable rates are available, the unemployment rates were 3 percent and 2 percent, respectively.

Sector of employment The sector in which global migrants to ASEAN countries work varies across countries and does not depend solely on whether the country is primarily a sender or receiver of migrants table 1. Migrants in Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand tend to work more in industry and less in services than locals. In , for instance, about 50 percent of the population lived in rural areas in Thailand, compared to 25 percent in Malaysia. Income In ASEAN receiving countries, migrants seem to earn less than locals, although in its sending countries, migrants seem to earn more.

Migrants earn 50 percent of their local counterparts in Brunei Darussalam and 65 percent of their local counterparts in Malaysia figure 1. Undocumented migrants are less likely to participate in population censuses and household surveys, and when they do identifying that they are undocumented is a challenge.

However, if these migrants obtain a work permit in Singapore which is possible without the use of formal channels in the Philippines , they are deemed to be documented and regular migrants by the Singaporean government.

With these two challenges in mind, inferences about. Note: The year is for Brunei Darussalam, for Cambodia, and for Malaysia data were only available for these countries. Using data from Thai government sources, Huguet roughly estimates that there were 2. This is about the same as the 1. About 49 percent of the undocumented migrants were from Indonesia, with 3 percent from the Philippines, 2 percent from Myanmar and Vietnam, and 1 percent or less from Cambodia and Thailand.

Although undocumented migration is normally thought of as an issue for host countries, sending countries also are interested in informal migration because they want to better protect their migrants abroad.

Data from the Philippines suggest that 1. Among the survey respondents, only 3. For Vietnamese migrants, the issue of irregular migration seems most closely related to overstay after employment permits expire, but outmigration without the proper documents also occurs. Most estimates of the undocumented population relate to the share of Vietnamese workers who have overstayed their contracts. Research suggests that up to 57 percent of migrants overstay in the Republic of Korea, 30 percent in Japan, and 12 percent in Taiwan, China Ahsan et al.

Notes 1. Updated data on education are becoming available for , though the data are still preliminary. These preliminary data suggest that intra-ASEAN migrants remain mostly less educated, with 97 percent of intra-ASEAN migrants to these countries having less than tertiary education and 86 percent having less than secondary education. The employment rate is used here because the size of the labor force was not available for all countries.

The rate is calculated as the total of those employed age 15 and over divided by the population in the same age group. Manila: CFO. Huguet, Jerrold W.

Huguet, 27— Annual Statistics Report Singapore: ICA. Lee, June JH. United Nations. United Nations, New York. New York: United Nations. CD-ROM documentation. Malaysia Economic Monitor: Immigrant Labour. World Bank, Washington, DC.

In the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN , higher-income countries with older populations tend to attract migrants by creating expectations for higher wages and employment opportunities. The presence of diaspora networks seems to attract more migrants to and from ASEAN countries, likely by lowering the cost of migration, whereas longer distances lower migration, likely by increasing the cost. Within ASEAN, these factors drive large one-way migration to a small number of countries, with migration to other countries being small in comparison.

While factors such as distance and presence of diaspora networks are important components of migration costs, these and other factors often used to describe migration costs do not capture the full range of costs faced by workers when they decide whether to migrate.

Estimation of both domestic and international labor mobility costs highlights the fact that frictions exist in labor markets in ASEAN that may lead workers to forgo wage gains, which has a negative impact on welfare discussed in chapter 4.

In chapter 1, ASEAN countries were characterized as either senders or receivers of migrants, thus suggesting that there are underlying characteristics that make some countries more attractive to receiving migrants and others more likely to send them. In this chapter, these characteristics are explored. Immigration policies related to entry into the host country have important impacts on the quantity and characteristics of migrants admitted in that country, though these impacts are not always consistent with policy objectives.

As mentioned previously, studies on the determinants of migration have examined the impact of policy on the decision to migrate. The impact of immigration policies on the skill mix of immigrants is of concern to ASEAN countries interested in attracting high-skilled foreign workers.

Social networks also help migrants integrate in the receiving country. The factors that may prevent migrants from moving include liquidity constraints and lack of demand. The poorest households in sending countries may not be able to send.

Shrestha provides evidence of this relationship in Nepal, a country that sends migrants to India, Malaysia, and the Middle East. A rainfall shock that increases household income increases migration to India, a low-cost but also low-earnings destination, but not to other destinations such as Malaysia, a high-cost but high-earnings destination.

At the same time, lack of demand can limit migration for households that would otherwise want to migrate. This is evidenced by the increase in migration to Malaysia and the Middle East following demand shocks in those countries. Jajri and Ismail suggest that the main determinants of migration to Malaysia from Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines are the real wage ratio between the countries, the unemployment rate in the source countries, and the real exchange rate ratio.

There is some evidence suggesting that climatic factors play a role in migration in the region. Average monthly wages in Malaysia are triple those in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam.

Indeed, there is a strong presence of migrants from lower-income ASEAN countries in higher-income ones. Figure 2. The average ratio of destination-to-origin per capita GDP in these corridors is 3.

Countries with aging populations and shrinking labor forces provide additional employment opportunities for migrants from countries with younger populations. The age distribution of total migrant stocks presented in chapter 1 provides initial evidence that migration is, in part, driven by aging; it does so by showing that the migrant populations of destination countries tend to be younger than the local populations of those countries.

Evidence from the main migration corridors within ASEAN provides confirmation that population aging is a determinant. Singapore and Thailand have significantly older median ages than their main sending countries at least 11 years older for Singapore and 10 for Thailand figure 2. These differences are projected to become even more pronounced over time with the age gap between both.

Singapore and Thailand and their main sending countries increasing to at least 13 years figure 2. Interestingly, however, the tendency of sending countries to be older is not true for Malaysia, which receives many migrants from much older Singapore and many from Indonesia, Myanmar, and Vietnam, whose age distributions and median age are quite similar to those of Malaysia.

Malaysia is expected to age only slightly more quickly than its main sending countries by Because taking advantage of these opportunities is costly, workers are often unable to do so. All workers face a range of costs when deciding to switch jobs. International migrants consider the same costs as workers do domestically but face additional costs including restrictive migration policies, documentation costs, and recruitment fees. Table 2. International migrants frequently face considerable time costs associated with waiting for documentation to be processed and approval for migration to be granted, which can be measured as wages lost while awaiting migration.

In the absence of labor mobility costs, workers would be free to switch jobs in pursuit of the highest possible wage.

Instead, workers frequently do not take advantage of large wage gains because the gains fail to outweigh the associated labor mobility costs Hollweg et al. However, in , just 3. Domestic migration rates are higher, but are still low in many Asian countries compared to other regions UN Workers make decisions to switch jobs on the basis of both domestic and international labor mobility costs. When deciding whether to migrate abroad, workers consider employment alternatives available both domestically and internationally.

As such, although the focus of this book is on international migration, one must consider both domestic and international labor mobility costs to understand the full set of alternatives available to workers. The remainder of the chapter presents estimates of domestic and international labor mobility costs for ASEAN countries.

Box 2. For example, a certain type of job offering very high wages but attracting few workers implies very high labor mobility costs. This measure of labor mobility costs does not attempt to estimate each of the costs faced by individual workers, which may vary according to their characteristics and situation,a but rather estimates them indirectly.

As labor market frictions increase, workers become less responsive to differences in wages between industries. If labor mobility costs are high, workers are not expected to respond even to large wage differentials. In contrast, if these costs are low, workers are expected to respond even to small wage differentials; thus, in equilibrium, intersector wage differentials will be smaller. The estimated labor mobility cost is interpreted as the average cost a worker perceives to move between sectors for a given wage differential.

The framework to estimate labor mobility costs is based on a structural model of worker choice in sectoral employment when labor mobility is costly. Using this model, a worker employed in sector i can choose to 1 remain employed in sector i or 2 move to sector j but incur a cost for simplicity, it is assumed here that the economy has only two sectors. If the wage in sector j rises, a worker in sector i will experience an increase in welfare due to the higher option value, even if the worker never actually moves.

Different estimation methodologies are used, depending on the data available. Domestic labor mobility costs are estimated for workers transitioning across nine different sectors and joblessness unemployment or out of the labor force.

Transition data on movements across sectors and joblessness are combined with observed wage gaps between sectors to estimate the labor mobility cost of entering each sector as a ratio of the annual average sectoral wage.

The estimations use panel data on employment sector, average sectoral wages, and individual worker characteristics. Wages in the jobless sector are assumed to be zero. An underlying assumption is that labor mobility is solely motivated by economic considerations.

Estimates of labor mobility costs are based on wage gaps at the average sectoral and skill level. That is, a single wage gap is estimated for each sector and skill, though there are many different types of workers in each sector. However, individual worker characteristics, including gender and skill level, are considered when measuring wage gaps, accounting for some of this heterogeneity. Domestic labor mobility costs are estimated for Indonesia, Lao PDR, the Philippines, and Vietnam for all workers and by gender and skill level.

Great care is taken to estimate domestic labor mobility costs at the same sectoral level across countries so that results are internationally comparable. International labor mobility costs are computed for workers transitioning across sectors and countries.

As for domestic labor mobility costs, international labor mobility costs are expressed as a ratio of the annual average wage. The international labor mobility costs to enter a given box continues next page. International labor mobility costs were estimated for all ASEAN countries in each decade between and More details about the methodology are available in Hollweg Sources: Hollweg et al.

Domestic labor mobility costs Understanding which sectors of an economy are the least costly to enter sheds light on which sectors may provide opportunities both to domestic workers and to workers who are mobile across ASEAN. The analysis takes into account the fact that costs associated with switching employment stem from various sources and vary across countries and sectors.

Labor mobility costs are estimated by combining data on actual worker movements and wage gaps between sectors. Costs are estimated for workers entering each of these nine sectors, as well as for a state of joblessness that corresponds to either unemployment or inactivity out of the labor force. Labor mobility cost estimates are most useful for making comparisons across sectors and countries.

The exact magnitude of the estimated labor mobility costs depends on several assumptions, including the level of sectoral disaggregation.

Labor mobility costs are expressed as a share of annual average wages. The costs are expressed as a share of annual average wages. For instance, the value of 2. Source: Hollweg Note: Standard errors are shown in parentheses. Because this sector employs a small share of the workforce and has very little labor turnover, the costs of entering it are high.

Thus, there are few chances for outsiders to enter. Simple, unweighted averages across the nine sectors of the economy reveal that average labor mobility costs are 1. Leaving employment and either becoming unemployed or exiting the labor force generally involves the lowest labor mobility cost.

The two exceptions are Lao PDR and Vietnam, where the agricultural sector absorbs new workers even more easily than joblessness. In fact, in all four countries the agriculture sector is one of the least costly sectors to enter. In Lao PDR, workers entering the sector incur a cost equivalent to 0. In Indonesia, these costs are 2. Social services, frequently provided by the public sector, are also costly.

This results in low wages and relatively low labor mobility costs. International labor mobility costs International migrants consider the same costs as domestic ones—job search costs, skills mismatches, and severance and hiring costs—and face additional costs, including restrictive migration policies and recruitment fees.

International labor mobility costs can arise from economic and noneconomic factors that make it costly for workers to migrate internationally. Examples of such factors include not only distance, social networks in the destination, and language skills but also the monetary costs incurred to. However, there is a crucial factor that is typically present only for international labor mobility costs: laws limiting or restricting the free movement of workers.

It is a key component of international labor mobility costs because migrants must normally pay more to travel farther; thus, in the presence of budget constraints, they will tend to migrate for employment less frequently to places that are farther away. The average distance between countries in ASEAN is 1, kilometers; in contrast, among the countries in the primary corridors, the distance is about half that at kilometers.

Migration to Thailand,. Fewer than 1, kilometers separate Singapore from the primary origins of its migrants table 2.

Although distance is a key factor of international labor mobility costs, potential migrants are not always dissuaded by long distances.

However, the majority of migrants from all other ASEAN countries are in countries that are more than 5, kilometers or so away, about the distance from Manila the Philippines to Riyadh Saudi Arabia. This suggests that distance is not the only important cost in migration decisions. Social networks not only ease mobility but also assist migrants in adjusting to and integrating into the destination country.

For example, in the s the labor mobility cost of moving into Cambodia was 6. ASEAN countries that are more open to globalization and that have developed more advanced migration systems tend to have lower international labor mobility costs. In the s, workers entering Malaysia faced labor mobility costs equal to 3. Workers migrating to Myanmar and Vietnam, in contrast, confronted costs of more than 11 times the annual average wage.

Thailand, another main migrant-receiving country in ASEAN, has a much less developed migration system, high levels of undocumented migration, and higher international labor mobility costs. The costs faced by workers to migrate from one country within the ASEAN region to another increased from the s to the s. The average international labor mobility cost across the sample of nine ASEAN member countries for which data were available was 9. However, the trend of increasing international labor mobility costs between the s and the s did not hold for all ASEAN member countries.

In Singapore, labor mobility costs declined between the s and s, before remaining relatively steady, whereas in Malaysia, labor mobility costs declined throughout this period. Between the s and the s, the trend of generally rising international labor mobility costs that had previously dominated the ASEAN countries was reversed. During this period, average labor mobility costs fell from 9.

The reduction was most pronounced for Cambodia 18 percent , Thailand 13 percent , and Vietnam 17 percent. The reverse of the previous trend of rising labor mobility costs was due, at least in part, to the increased integration of ASEAN countries in the regional and world economy, which created increased opportunities for migration in several ASEAN countries.

Moreover, all ASEAN countries, particularly the primary receiving ones, have worked in recent years to improve their immigration systems. Generally, lowskilled migrants are more sensitive to migration costs. For example, low-skilled migrants, both from ASEAN countries to global destinations and within ASEAN, are more likely to migrate to a neighboring country and avoid more distant, more expensive destinations. Young people are more likely to migrate in part because they have a longer working period over which to gain from migration compared to older people Zaiceva and Zimmermann A higher real exchange rate ratio decreases migration by increasing purchasing power in the origin relative to the destination.

The higher the degree of sectoral disaggregation, the fewer the observed transitions and the higher the estimated mobility costs.

References Beaman, Lori A. Beine, Michel, and Christopher Parsons. Bylander, Maryann. Clark, Ximena, Timothy J. Hatton, and Jeffrey G. Immigration — Czaika, Mathias, and Christopher R. Facchini, Giovanni, and Elisabetta Lodigiani. Hatton, Timothy J. Holumyong, Charampor, and Sureeporn Punpuing. Jajri, Idris, and Rahmah Ismail. Jasso, Guillermina, and Mark R. Employment Immigration.

Mayda, Ana Maria. McKenzie, David, and Hillel Rapoport. Munshi, Kaivan. Ortega, Francesc, and Giovanni Peri. Shrestha, Maheshwor. Policy Note. World Bank, Bangkok.

Zaiceva, Anzelika, and Klaus F. The migration systems of ASEAN host countries are designed to accept mostly temporary migrants, meaning that integration is less of a concern and the impact of undocumented migration is more of a concern. Malaysia and Thailand have become migration hubs before they have become high-income countries, provoking concerns that an overreliance on low-skilled migrants is impeding technological upgrading and escape from the middle-income trap.

Concerns about remittances are largely unique to sending countries outside of the OECD. It draws on the international literature but focuses on ASEAN countries to address their unique concerns whenever possible. In the case of labor market outcomes in destination countries, the impacts are generally quite small.

In some cases, particularly where domestic labor market policies are rigid, negative impacts are observed. The impact of migration on economic growth is important because it determines whether those who gain from migration can compensate those who lose out Felbermayr and Jung ; Felbermayr and Kohler There is more evidence of positive impacts of migration on economic growth in the longer run.

A study of immigration to the United States between and found that a 1 percent increase in employment in a state resulting from immigration led to a 0. Additionally, recent research suggests that unskilled migrants over time can increase economic growth as they become integrated into the host country and their educational levels increase Dadush This is an important factor to consider in ASEAN countries, where most migration is temporary, restricting a potential channel for migration to have a positive impact on economic growth.

Low-skilled immigrants keep salaries low, which in turn lowers domestic prices and production costs and increases export growth World Bank Domestic demand is boosted through salary increases for skilled workers, which in turn boosts public revenue collection. In Thailand, where labor markets are also tight, recent analysis estimates that without migrants in the labor force GDP would fall by 0.

In another study, Sanglaoid, Santipolvut, and Phuwanich use a CGE model to analyze the impact of policies that would increase the number of foreign workers in Thailand. Each policy considered would result in an increase in GDP, though the increase is higher for policies impacting low-skilled migrants.

The positive impacts seem to be related to increases in total factor productivity. Competitiveness International evidence suggests that, in the longer run, foreign workers may promote competitiveness. Studying immigration to U. There is some evidence that these positive productivity impacts result from the specialization of local and migrant workers. The same seems to be true for highly educated immigrants and locals as well Peri and Sparber This implies that, instead of being substitutes, foreign and local workers at similar skill levels can be complements and enhance productivity.

Cost savings and labor-intensive production techniques are other possible channels for immigration to impact productivity positively. Some evidence suggests that positive productivity impacts are limited to high-skilled immigrants. Kangasniemi et al. Finally, Huber et al. Research from the United States and Europe shows that skilled migration is also associated with innovation and entrepreneurship.

High-skilled migrants can lead to the formation of new businesses and to the introduction of new products and services Nathan However, there is no strong evidence that low-skilled migrants have a negative impact on productivity. Several studies have been undertaken in Malaysia. A 1 percent increase in immigrant labor led to a 0. Overall, evidence from Thailand and similar evidence from the Republic of Korea is inconclusive or shows no impact of unskilled immigrants on productivity Ahsan et al.

In one study of manufacturing in Malaysia between and , a 1 percent increase in the share of immigrant workers led productivity to decline by 0. Additionally, although labor productivity has fallen in the manufacturing sector in Malaysia, low-wage foreign workers have allowed the country to sustain its trade competitiveness Rasiah In Thailand,. Malaysia hosts about 60, international students, and Singapore and Thailand about 50, This compares to the 55, international students hosted by Korea and the , hosted by Canada.

This compares with international students making up about 2 percent of tertiary enrollment in Korea. Malaysia is the third choice of migrants from Brunei Darussalam and Indonesia Batalova, Shymonyak, and Sugiyarto A recent meta-analysis of seven studies, all of high-income countries, shows that increasing the share of immigrants by 1 percentage point in a local labor market results in declines in local employment of just 0.

Results are similarly small in East Asian countries, though positive impacts have been found in some cases. Ahsan et al. Recent research in Malaysia suggests that immigration has a positive impact on employment. Econometric techniques controlling for the possibility of reverse causality were used to isolate the causal impact of immigrants to Malaysia on the employment of locals Del Carpio et al.

Moreover, there is a a slight increase in the out-of-the-labor-force population. However, these individuals are almost entirely composed of women doing unpaid work at home or students. These results imply that immigration to a state induces demand for more local workers, who bring along their spouses and children. Previous research on the impact of migrant workers on wages in Malaysia has found small, though negative, impacts Athukorala and Devadason ; Narayanan and YewWah ; Yean and Siang Consistent with the previous literature, the results show a small decrease in wages overall.

The results from Malaysia suggest a potential mechanism whereby immigrant arrivals generate employment. Concerns about the impact of immigration on employment and wages are often based on the assumption that immigrants and local workers are substitutes. An increase in the labor supply owing to increased immigration then implies more competition and wage declines. But lower production costs resulting from cheaper immigrant workers may result in an expansion of output.

In Malaysia, immigration reduces the wages of foreign workers, lowering production costs and enabling output expansions. The research in Korea presented in Ahsan et al. The wages of those with lower primary education fall by 0. This suggests that low-skilled foreign workers increase the productivity of better-educated Thai workers. In Malaysia, the positive impacts of immigration on employment are smaller for the least educated locals who compete directly with immigrants Del Carpio et al.

Those with primary and lower secondary education gain the most in terms of employment from immigration, perhaps a signal that lowermiddle-skilled locals have complementarities with immigrants, likely a result of language skills. The impacts of migration on employment and wages depend on the rigidity of labor markets. This suggests that younger countries, such as Indonesia, Lao PDR, and Myanmar, could boost the labor forces of older countries, such as Singapore, while providing relief to their slack labor markets.

In contrast, the labor forces of East Asian. Migration may help counteract the shrinking of working age populations through indirect channels as well. It may help increase female labor force participation and, more speculatively, fertility rates. The extension of work permits to foreign domestic workers was associated with an increased female labor force participation rate in Hong Kong SAR, China, for mothers with young children Cortes and Pan ; see also Chan ; Suen ; Tan and Gibson Foreign domestic workers in the United States and Italy have been shown to allow highly skilled American and Italian women, respectively, to spend more time at work Barone and Mocceti ; Cortes and Tessada The large presence of female.

The temporary migration scenario and the baseline scenario converge at the 35—39 age group. The temporary nature of most migration in the ASEAN region means that some of the downsides of migration for population aging will not arise. Permanent migration can bring aging problems of its own because permanent migrants themselves age. Figure 3. Temporary migration does indeed boost the younger end of the population distribution.

However, permanent migration shifts the distribution up along all age groups. This implies that permanent migration will likely boost the labor force of destination countries but also increase the older age population over time as migrants age and their behavior converges with that of locals. Indeed, most evidence shows that higher fertility rates of immigrants converge quite quickly with those of locals World Bank Although immigrants do impose costs by increasing the demand for.

This is true of undocumented immigrants as well. Still, mismatches can occur because immigrants frequently receive services from providers at the local level but contribute taxes at the national level.

This is because younger migrants tend to be healthier and use fewer services, whereas employed migrants tend to use fewer services and contribute more in taxes and social security. As shown in chapter 1, employment rates among migrants are high in most cases. In theory, the impact of immigration on prices is unclear—immigrants may increase prices by increasing demand or may lower prices if lower production costs are passed through to prices. However, most evidence shows that immigration lowers prices.

Crime Immigration can have an impact on crime for several reasons. The labor market outcomes of migrants are particularly important, however. For instance, an increase in asylum seekers, who are generally prevented from seeking employment, was found to result in slight increases in property crime in the United Kingdom Bell, Fasini, and Machin Recent research from Malaysia is consistent with this international evidence.

This is especially true for property crimes. Except for some recent work in Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand, rigorous analysis of the impacts of migration on receiving countries has been limited. Even in OECD. However, such declines are not inevitable. Remittances, migrant networks, and changes in incentives to obtain more education mean that emigration can have important links to economic development in source countries.

Indeed, there is some evidence that, in the longer run, net emigration from developing countries has a positive impact on growth in those countries Brunow, Nijkamp, and Poot In total remittances were 10 percent of GDP in the Philippines, 7 percent in Vietnam, 5 percent in Myanmar, and 3 percent in Cambodia table 3. Households in Indonesia received the most remittances in U. The stable and compensatory nature of remittances means that they play a key role in stabilizing the aggregate economy of recipient countries.

They can increase household consumption and, consequently, can increase the revenue that governments receive from taxes. Additionally, households receiving remittances are less compelled to take on debt, which can eventually boost the debt sustainability of the entire economy Ahsan et al. Second, if remittances are used to purchase land or housing, these assets can be used as collateral to obtain loans. International remittances can transmit external business cycles Chami, Hakura, and Montiel Using a novel database covering 71 developing countries, Adams and Page estimate that a 10 percent increase in remittances is associated with a 3.

Using more recent data for the Philippines, Ducanes estimates that households that are able to send a member abroad have twofold or threefold greater odds of escaping poverty.

Results suggest that a rise in remittances of 10 percentage points is associated with a 2. Similar results are found for Vietnam, where foreign remittances decreased the poverty headcount of recipients by approximately 2 percentage points Viet A recent study by Adams and Cuecuecha. There are many reasons why remittances can reduce poverty. By injecting money into the household budget, remittances relax the credit constraints of stayers, allowing them to engage in entrepreneurship and income-generating activities and to invest in human capital accumulation and health care.

Moreover, international remittances may act as insurance against income shocks and can smooth consumption during these periods. The poorest households tend to use remittances as safety nets and spend them on consumption. Spending the additional income associated with remittances on consumption goods, such as food, is important to support poor families in the short term. However, spending the additional income on productive goods such as education and health may foster development in the medium and long term.

In general, the use of remittances depends on household income. Remittances sent to families at the bottom of the income distribution are more likely to act as safety nets and be spent on consumption.

Wealthier households are less likely to use remittances for consumption. Migrants from Vietnam and the Philippines, for example, typically do not belong to the poorest families. As a result, the money these migrants send home is more likely to be spent on productive and investment goods. Additionally, when faced with exogenous rises in remittances, Filipinos mainly use the additional resources for investment rather than current consumption Yang Emigration and remittances may also alter work incentives by increasing household income.

Using Labor Force Survey data for the Philippines, Rodriguez and Tiongson provide evidence that having a migrant in the family reduces the labor force participation of stayers by almost 28 percent. This decrease in labor supply, however, is mostly due to an increase in time spent in home production for example, child care rather than in time spent in consuming leisure.

Also in Mexico, Mishra estimates that a migration-induced 10 percent decrease in workers in a given skill group increased average wages by about 4 percent. The increase in wages often varies across skill groups.

In Mexico, the largest wage increases found by Mishra were among higher-wage earners. Though not found to explain the entire increase in wage inequality in Mexico, out-migration is likely a contributing factor Mishra Brain drain, brain gain, and brain circulation The migration rates of high-skilled individuals are high in several ASEAN countries.

Fifteen percent of tertiaryeducated individuals emigrated from Cambodia and Lao PDR in , and 11 percent from Vietnam.

The rates were also somewhat elevated in Malaysia, the Philippines, and Singapore compared to Indonesia and Thailand. Vietnam and Malaysia each had more than 40, students in the OECD in representing the 9th and 10th most important sources of student migrants globally. This was viewed as particularly problematic in developing countries, where scarce resources were invested in the creation of human capital that was not used domestically Bodvarsson and Van den Berg a.

Though in this case host countries shoulder much of the burden of educating student migrants, youth studying abroad have advantages in the foreign marriage and labor markets compared to potential migrants educated in the origin country Rosenzweig Obtaining tertiary education abroad may then be a route to permanent or longterm emigration with similar impacts to those associated with brain drain.

High-skilled emigrants may have complex patterns of education, work experience, and migration that obscure their impact on the welfare of sending and receiving countries. Additionally, high-skilled emigration can have positive impacts on source countries by incentivizing human capital formation.

In contrast to the earlier literature, which emphasized the downside to human capital of high-skilled emigration, newer research suggests that high-skilled emigration could actually increase human capital formation by increasing the perceived returns to education and encouraging current nonmigrants to invest more in education Stark, Helmenstein, and Prskawetz Overall, doubling the high-skilled emigration rate results in a 5 percent increase in the human capital formation of the local population in the sending country.

However, the impact varies across countries. In these countries, highskilled emigration is found to have resulted in a smaller share of high-skilled workers. Still, foreign-acquired skills can allow returnees to earn a wage premium compared with nonmigrants when they return to their origin countries Wahba a. International migration also raises the chances of upward occupational mobility of returnees compared to nonmigrants Wahba b. When migrants return to their country of origin, they often bring savings accumulated while abroad.

Similar to remittances, the additional income can ease credit constraints and facilitate the creation of businesses or self-employment McCormick and Wahba ; Wahba and Zenou The presence of migrants in destination countries can reduce the cost of transferring knowledge, ideas, and capital Docquier and Rapoport Kerr uses patent citations to show that ethnic networks facilitate knowledge transfer, even increasing the labor productivity of manufacturing in home countries.

Skilled emigration may also have an impact on domestic institutions. Docquier et al. Similar to Spilimbergo , the results only hold for emigration to wealthy democracies. Knowledge gaps Though substantial research has been done in ASEAN countries on the impact of remittances and emigration on origin countries, more work is necessary. There has been increasing interest in understanding what drives attitudes toward migrants globally, with particular attention being paid to whether attitudes are driven by economic factors resulting from the impact of immigration on the well-being of locals or from noneconomic factors such as concerns about the social and cultural impacts of immigration.

Concerns about labor market competition seem to play a role in the formation of attitudes toward migrants. Several prominent investigations of the drivers of attitudes toward immigration are based on theoretical models that posit that these attitudes depend on the relative supply of low- and high-skilled migrants.

Increases in low-skilled immigrants are posited to reduce the wages of low-skilled local workers and increase those of high-skilled workers and lead to more negative positive attitudes toward immigrants among the low- high- skilled. Facchini and Mayda then show evidence that this is true in Europe using a survey that directly measures attitudes toward skilled migration. However, noneconomic factors such as concerns about the social and cultural impacts of immigrants are also important in attitude formation.

Further, the use of education as an indication of skill might be problematic as education is also correlated with support for cultural diversity and with less ethnocentrism Hainmueller and Hopkins Indeed, much. Like Facchini and Mayda , Hainmueller and Hiscox use a direct survey of attitudes in the United States and show that both low- and high-skilled locals prefer high- over low-skilled immigrants, which runs contrary to the predictions of the labor competition model.

Hainmueller and Hiscox provide similar evidence for Europe. Information campaigns may help counteract noneconomic concerns related to migration. A recent large-scale randomized experiment presented Japanese citizens with information about positive economic and social impacts of immigration Facchini, Margalit, and Nakata There was also a positive impact on willingness to sign a petition of support for a more open immigration policy. The authors suggest that the impact is driven by exposing participants to new information.

In its periodic assessment of government views on migration, the United Nations found that most ASEAN countries view the level of immigration to their country to be satisfactory table 3. These two countries, in addition to Lao PDR, also view emigration to be too high. Individual attitudes toward migrants show a similar pattern. Respondents in Singapore were more likely than respondents in Malaysia and Thailand.

In Malaysia and Thailand, about 80 percent of respondents believed that migrants commit a large number of crimes, versus 52 percent in Singapore. Further evidence on attitudes toward immigrants comes from the World Values Survey, which is a compilation of similar nationally representative surveys about human beliefs and values. Substantially less than half of respondents mentioned immigrants or foreign workers in the four other ASEAN countries for which data are available.

Attitudes are more positive in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, which send many migrants, but also in Singapore, a receiving country. Source: World Values Survey Note: The darker cells indicate the most frequent response. The wave is —14 for Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, and —09 for Indonesia and Vietnam for panels a and b. The wave is —09 for panel c. Respondents were about evenly split in their views on whether labor immigration is good or bad. Opinions were about evenly split between whether immigration or emigration was a cause for concern, though worries about low-skilled immigration and high-skilled emigration dominated.

If more people from neighboring countries were to seek jobs in your own country, do you think this would be…. Skilled workers coming into my country worry me most Unskilled workers coming into my country worry me most Skilled workers leaving my country worry me most Unskilled workers leaving my country worry me most None of the above worry. See, for instance, Bank Negara Malaysia Rigid labor markets can also have an impact on the ability of existing migrants to react to further immigration.

There were 1, respondents from all countries. References Adams, R. Adams and A. Adams, R. Anzoategui, D. Tokyo: ADBI. Athukorala, Prema-Chandra, and Evelyn S. Bank Negara Malaysia. Annual Report Kuala Lumpur: Bank Negara Malaysia. Barone, Guglielmo, and Sauro Mocetti. Bell, Brian. Bhagwati, Jagdish, and Koichi Hamada. Bhagwati, Jagdish, and Carlos Rodriguez. Bodvarsson and Hendrik Van den Berg, — New York: Springer. Borjas, George. Chiswick and Paul W.

Miller, — Elsevier North Holland. Cabegin, E. Chami, R. Hakura, and P. Chan, Annie Hau-nung. Cortes, Patricia. Cortes, Patricia, and Jessica Pan. Cortes, Patricia, and Jose Tessada. Cuong, N. Ottaviano, and Giovanni Peri. Dadush, Uri. Ducanes, G. Dustmann, Christian, and Ian Preston. Analysis of Attitudinal Responses. Available Vacancies. Resume Deposit. Career Scholarships Logo Guidelines. Appointed to the Board on 1 December Alternately, you may write-in with a comprehensive resume stating qualification, working experience, current and expected salary, a passport-sized photograph and copies of relevant certificates to: Head of Human Resource Plantations Kuala Lumpur Kepong Berhad Wisma Taiko, No.

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The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code other dederal shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal posttal of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions. This work is available under the Creative Jzkarta Attribution 3.

Under usajobs jobs government jobs official siteground login gmail create Creative Commons Attribution license, you are free to copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt this work, including for commercial purposes, under the following conditions: Attribution—Please cite the work as follows: Testaverde, Mauro, Harry Moroz, Claire H.

Hollweg, and Achim Schmillen. Washington, DC: World Bank. The World Bank shall not be liable for any content or error in this translation. Adaptations—If you usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code an adaptation of this work, please add the following disclaimer along with the attribution: This is an adaptation of an original work by The World Bank.

Views and opinions expressed in the adaptation are the sole responsibility of the author or authors of the adaptation and are not endorsed by The World Bank. Third-party content—The World Bank does not necessarily own each component of читать далее content fereral within the work.

The World Bank therefore does not warrant that the use of any third-party-owned individual component or part contained in the work will not infringe on the governnent of those third parties. The risk of claims resulting from such infringement rests solely with you. If you wish to re-use a component of the posal, it is your responsibility to determine whether permission is needed for that re-use and to obtain permission from the copyright owner. Chapter 1 Migration usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code Southeast Asia Undocumented migration Chapter 6 Migration Policy in Receiving Countries Figures O.

The education level of Malaysian and migrant workers, and Framework usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code the migration system and costs arising in each of its components Average monetary migration costs for male Indonesian migrants in Malaysia Tables B1.

Southeast Asia stands out globally on the josb of jostreet across national borders. Among the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEANmigration usw continued to grow, while the share of intraregional movements in most other regions has declined. Indonesian migrants go to Malaysia for agricultural and domestic work. Malaysians themselves work in Singapore, many of them commuting daily across the narrow Straits of Johor.

Malaysia and Thailand are among the few developing countries that have already become major destinations for migrants. Singapore another major destination and the Usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code among the largest origin countries have highly sophisticated migration systems. Migration within the region is expected to increase as the ASEAN Economic Community, which was launched inaims to promote the free mobility of professionals and skilled workers within the region.

In some countries, labor взято отсюда have already emerged while others struggle to produce adequate employment for their still-growing and youthful populations.

Countries such as Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam will be faced with a shrinking labor force while Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and the Philippines are expected to see their labor forces grow in the next two decades. Migrants can already earn substantially more by. And this diaspora helps bring back capital, jobw, and skills when the migrants return home.

In receiving countries, migrants help address labor market shortages, boosting production and stimulating competitiveness. Yet, as Migrating to Opportunity shows, there is potential jobs searchtempest autotempest usa even greater gain—to migrants and their families coxe well as the countries they leave and the ones in which they work. These arise from credit constraints faced by the poorest households, lack of information about available jobs, and high recruitment costs.

Restrictive migration policies and weaknesses in по этой ссылке systems to manage migration are particular culprits. As a feederal, many potential migrants, often the poorest and most vulnerable, are unable to migrate while others seek out informal, often more dangerous, channels to avoid the expense of using formal, safer routes.

Overall, the book argues that destination countries should work toward migration systems that are responsive to their economic needs and consistent with domestic policies. Sending countries, on the other hand, should work to balance protections for migrant workers with the imperatives of sustaining growth. The team thanks Truman Packard for his guidance during the early stage of this work and Manolo Abella for his useful comments.

The team joba thanks Wendy Cunningham for her detailed comments and support. Ahsan Butt provided excellent research ojbstreet. The team would like to thank the World Bank country teams for their help in accessing the data necessary to conduct the study. The work was conducted under the general guidance of Federzl Shetty and Jehan Arulpragasam. The team is grateful for the excellent advice provided by two peer reviewers at usajobs federal resume buildertrend login 365 login concept note stage Ahmad Ahsan and Manjula Luthriaand by three peer reviewers at the decision jobstreeet stage Manjula Luthria, Saiyed Shabih Ali Mohib, and Elizabeth Ruppert Bulmer.

We thank Maya Razat and Cecile Wodon for jobd excellent administrative support. He led the report team. Since Mauro has been part of World Bank teams providing technical and analytical assistance in the areas of labor policy and social protection systems.

His work focuses on migration and migration systems, posyal approaches to labor market information, labor market programming, and risk management. Claire H. Prior to studying economics, she worked as a journalist and holds a BS in Journalism from the University of Colorado at Boulder.

He has 10 years of experience in research, usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code, policy advice, and technical usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code. His primary specialization is applied labor economics, and he has also worked extensively on social protection, education, and the economics of transition. Achim holds jobdtreet PhD in economics from the University of Regensburg.

Workers in Southeast Asia sua on the move The movement of people in Southeast Asia is an issue of increasing importance. These three countries are now home to 6. Workers move throughout Southeast Asia in search of economic opportunities. Most migration in the region consists of low-skilled, often undocumented, migrants looking for better-paying jobs. These opportunities manifest themselves in a variety of ways. Malaysian workers commute each day across the narrow Straits of Johor to work in Singapore.

Even though most migration in the region is low-skilled, Malaysia and Singapore have special programs to attract global talent. The diversity of economic development postla Southeast Asia means that there are ample opportunities for workers plstal seek out better jobs that pay higher wages.

The impacts of migration in the region are generally positive, although some groups lose out, and domestic policies play an important role in shaping these impacts. Weaknesses in migration systems increase the costs of international labor mobility, but usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code reforms can help to resolve these problems. The rest of the overview is structured as follows. However, regional integration is not complete.

Removing the remaining barriers usw. Workers must be able to move across jobs, sectors, and even countries in order to take advantage of new economic opportunities.

However, barriers to labor mobility make such moves costly. In the absence of fedetal barriers, workers would be free to switch jobs in pursuit of higher wages.

Instead, they frequently forgo large wage gains because the gains fail to outweigh the associated barriers Hollweg et al. However, progress on implementing regional commitments related to labor mobility has been limited. These arrangements currently cover only doctors, dentists, nurses, engineers, architects, accountants, and tourism professionals, who account for about 5 percent usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code employment in ASEAN countries Batalova, Shymonyak, and Hsa For instance, Thailand bans migrants from ckde in 39 occupations, including engineering, accounting, and architecture—which are covered by mutual recognition arrangements.

The AEC does usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code have plans to facilitate the migration of low- or mid-skilled migrants, although some regional dialogue vovernment taken place. Models of trade integration traditionally assume that workers are able to move seamlessly between jobs as integration fedefal new economic opportunities. The economic modeling. Lower barriers to mobility for skilled workers versus no reduction joobstreet barriers.

With lower barriers to labor mobility, workers would be able to take advantage of higher wages, new employment opportunities, and more options to governmwnt to those employment opportunities.

Worker welfare would improve even more across all ASEAN uas if barriers to mobility were lower for all workers. Welfare gains manifest themselves in a variety of ways.

Results are правы. usajobs resume builder toolkit manually update хватает small in East Asia as well, although larger impacts usa jobs federal jobs government jobstreet jakarta postal code been found in some cases.

In Malaysia, for example, an additional 10 immigrants to a clde state has been found to result in the employment of an additional 5 Malaysians who relocate to that state Del Carpio et al.

The impacts of immigration on wages are small. In Malaysia, cheaper immigrant workers seem to lower production costs, which results in more output that, in turn, requires more employment. Typically, low-skilled workers who have skills that are similar to those of migrant workers are at a greater risk of experiencing less positive or jobstrert impacts.

Domestic labor market policies may be responsible for negative impacts on local workers. In Mexico, a 10 percent decrease in workers in a given skill group as a result of outmigration hobs found to increase average wages by about 4 percent Mishra Source: ILO Note: The year is for all countries except Cambodia, for which the year is Studying 71 low- and middle-income countries, Adams and Page estimate that a 10 percent increase in remittances is associated with a 3.

In the Philippines, households that are able to send a member abroad have twofold or threefold greater odds of escaping poverty Ducanes Similar positive impacts on poverty have been found in Indonesia and Vietnam Adams and Cuecuecha ; Nguyen The impact of migration on economic growth is important because it determines whether those who gain from migration can compensate those who lose Felbermayr and Kohler Rukumnuaykit Despite mixed evidence on the productivity impacts of immigration in ASEAN, there is no strong evidence that low-skilled migrants have a negative impact.

Emigration of these jjakarta skilled individuals is often perceived as costly because source countries pay for training that is used abroad and are depleted of the human capital necessary for economic growth. However, there are several reasons why the negative impacts of brain drain may be overstated and why brain circulation may be a more accurate description of high-skilled migration.

 
 

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